Time to raise ties with former colonial powers to a new level

With the exception of Thailand, every Southeast Asian nation experienced some form of colonial rule.

The Portuguese, Dutch, British, French, Spanish and Americans all left their mark on the region, shaping borders, economies, administrative systems and social structures that continue to influence Southeast Asia today.

The issue for Asean is no longer whether history should be remembered. It should be.

The more important question is how former colonial powers can contribute to correcting historical imbalances in ways that benefit future generations rather than reopening old wounds.

Many parts of the world have pursued reparations centred on financial compensation for slavery, resource extraction and exploitation. Southeast Asia may benefit from adopting a different approach.

Rather than demand compensation payments, Asean should seek long-term investments in human capital development.

Such an approach is not only more practical but also more aligned with Asean’s diplomatic culture of engagement, pragmatism, and forward-looking cooperation.

Indonesia’s support for Timor-Leste’s accession into Asean offers an important example of regional maturity. Despite the painful history surrounding East Timor, Jakarta has not sought to obstruct Dili’s ambition to become Asean’s 11th member state.

That decision reflects an understanding that reconciliation and inclusion are ultimately more productive than historical grievances.

As Asean approaches its 60th anniversary in 2027, the region has every reason to be confident in its achievements.

The organisation has survived the Cold War, the Asian Financial Crisis, territorial disputes in the South China Sea, the Covid-19 pandemic and growing rivalry between major powers.

Few regional organisations outside Europe can claim a comparable record of peace preservation and economic integration.

Some would even argue that Asean has demonstrated a greater appreciation of sovereignty than the European Union because its members recognise that newly independent states are often reluctant to transfer authority to supranational institutions.

The Asean Secretariat in Jakarta therefore plays a coordinating rather than governing role, reflecting the political realities of post-colonial Southeast Asia.

Yet Asean’s achievements extend well beyond Southeast Asia itself.

The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, the Asean Regional Forum, the Asean Defence Ministers’ Meeting-Plus, the East Asia Summit and Asean Plus Three have all become important pillars of regional stability.

Together, they constitute global public good that helps to reduce tensions in one of the world’s most strategically important regions.

This is no small accomplishment.

The Indo-Pacific is home to six of the world’s nine nuclear weapons states and contains some of the busiest sea lanes on earth.

Through the Asean Outlook on the Indo-Pacific, introduced in 2019, Southeast Asia has consistently encouraged major powers to compete responsibly while preserving open trade, dialogue and peaceful coexistence. This is known as open rationalism.

That role deserves greater international recognition and support.

Former colonial powers, particularly in Europe and North America, should therefore consider a new compact with Southeast Asia.

The focus should be education rather than reparations.

Scholarships should be expanded dramatically for Asean students to study science, engineering, artificial intelligence, data analytics, automation, robotics and biotechnology.

Equally important are opportunities in investigative journalism, history, philosophy, economics, public administration and governance.

Courses on anti-corruption practices, anti-money laundering measures and combating online scams would also produce significant benefits for the region.

Exposure matters as much as education.

Internships in advanced industries, placements in research laboratories, exchanges between universities and cooperation in emerging technologies would help accelerate Asean’s transition towards a knowledge economy.

Singapore and Malaysia cannot shoulder this responsibility alone through institutions such as the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy or the Malaysian Technical Cooperation Programme.

Former colonial powers possess some of the world’s leading universities, laboratories and innovation ecosystems.

Opening these opportunities to Asean students would represent a meaningful and forward-looking form of historical responsibility.

This is especially important because Asean itself does not possess an internal equivalent of official development assistance among its members.

Yet by 2030, Asean is expected to emerge as the world’s fourth largest economic bloc after the United States, China and India.

More than 700 million people will live within this increasingly important economic community.

Malaysia, as one of Asean’s founding members, should take the lead in encouraging extra-regional partners to invest more substantially in Southeast Asia’s human capital development.

The greatest repayment for history is not money.

It is opportunity, knowledge and the empowerment of future generations.

The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.