Just can’t teach old dogs new tricks

It hasn’t been that happy of a new year that greeted us a week ago, at least not in terms of our anti-corruption narrative.

The state’s momentum here seems to have bogged down, with top-level resignations crippling an already underfunded, underpowered ad hoc fact-finding commission; the untimely death of a ranking Public Works official who may have taken secrets of influential corruptors to the grave; the apparent lack of progress in legal action against several top lawmakers and officials (except one, for now); and the persistence of funds available to lawmakers and which could be used as political leverage by the Executive in what is supposed to be a “pork-free” 2026 national budget¹, among others.

In contrast, broadsheets and news sites on Dec. 28 reported that ex-Malaysian prime minister Najib Razak was meted at least four 15-year jail terms after that country’s High Court ruled that he had diverted more than $700 million from the state investment fund 1MDB to his personal bank accounts. The jail terms come on top of some $2.8 billion in fines for abuse of power and another $514 million in assets to be confiscated under Malaysia’s anti-money laundering law. He faces more years in prison should he fail to cough up these amounts².

Add to that periodic reports on ranking state officials and top businessmen charged or sentenced to death in China and Vietnam for corruption. Not that I espouse the capital penalty for any crime (especially not in our seriously flawed justice system in which our underprivileged sectors are always compromised), but I do think that we are far too lenient with criminals who — by their socioeconomic/political stature/educational attainment — ought to know better.

Parochial minds among us are wont to downplay such comparisons by saying that we Filipinos deal with the same problems differently. Go say that to the parent who cannot feed their kids or afford them even just basic life-saving medicines/treatment due to a lack of sufficient income (as well as fund diversions from healthcare and other social programs).

GOVERNANCE NOW PARAMOUNT
Gainful jobs are generated only when business grows. Business groups have cited graft and corruption as among their top five concerns for quite some time (signaling that the government has never done enough to curb this blight), and the Philippines has long been counted by foreign investors as the most corrupt among Southeast Asia’s seven biggest economies (minus Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Timor-Leste… for now).

So, yes, such optics count in the eyes of investors who are always on the lookout for the best sites for setting up shop or expansion. Those who wonder how the Philippines can still stagnate or even fall in various global competitiveness rankings despite improving scores need to remember that the country is always compared to close competitors like Indonesia and Vietnam which may improve by a greater degree that we do.

In the latest report on its annual economic health check on the Philippines, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) joined other outfits (and, on Jan. 5, the government itself³) in further tempering economic growth projections of the Philippines, blaming “uncertainty from global trade policies, corruption allegations related to flood control projects, and extreme climate events”.⁴

“[IMF Executive Board d]irectors underscored the need to continue prioritizing governance reports, greater private investment, economic diversification, and resilience to climate shocks to sustain inclusive growth,” according to the Dec. 15, 2025 public statement on the multilateral lender’s 2025 Article IV Consultation with the Philippines (note that this is the first time, at least in recent memory, that this report has brought governance concerns to the fore). “Directors emphasized the importance of strengthening governance and the rule of law, reducing corruption vulnerabilities, and enhancing human capital and workforce skills to support inclusive, sustainable growth.”

ELEPHANT IN THE ROOM
I have yet to see more business groups cite their concerns for 2026, but I am sure that more convincing anti-corruption measures would top their lists.

Not that there is a total lack of such efforts. For example, the Executive at least addressed one nagging investor concern early last month by suspending the Bureau of Internal Revenue’s field audits, which taxmen have used to extort money from otherwise compliant businesses ever since I can remember (in effect, one is punished for complying with the law).

But such state measures have been few and far between compared to our competitors in the region (watch out for the four smaller ASEAN economies — remember that we had outclassed Vietnam in many indicators up to a decade ago, but it has beaten us across the board since then).

Business chambers release their reform wish lists every year and have not been sparing of late in flagging corruption concerns and recommending remedies. But due to the constraints of bureaucracy or vested interests at the top — likely both — the government has not moved as fast as we want it to.

Hence, it behooves business and civil society to constantly tighten the screws on the government, which has proven sensitive to public opinion provided that such pressure is considerable and sustained.

In a recent opinion piece for the Makati Business Club (MBC), Guillermo M. Luz, who has led the Livable Cities Philippines since March 2014 and who had co-chaired the National Competitiveness Council for more than seven years until June 2018, cited a few examples of private sector initiatives⁵. He noted, among others, that in 2000 the MBC teamed up with the Social Weather Stations, the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, and the Philippine Center for Policy Studies to form the Transparent Accountable Governance project, which in 2004 evolved into the Coalition Against Corruption under the MBC, the Church, academe and civil society. This coalition then developed into the Integrity Initiative in 2009. And then…

SUSTAINED
Right there lies one problem, I think: what happened to that worthwhile effort? If anything, graft and corruption in the Philippines has only worsened since at least 2016, according to Transparency International’s annual Corruption Perceptions Index. Hence, the need to revive this multisectoral pressure amid the currently improved democratic space.

“I believe it is possible to combat corruption, but it will take citizen action combined with internal reforms by honest government workers, reinforced by the rule of law and strengthened by values,” Mr. Luz wrote.

Neither have the Church and other religious groups in the country been wanting in calling the government to account for the flood control project mess since this was highlighted in the State of the Nation Address last year.

Can the Church do more? OMG, yes! Starting by training its priests better when it comes to delivering more effective, relevant homilies. I mean, how many sermons has one sat through that left one wondering at the end: “What on earth was that about?” Which is probably why the late Pope Francis had prescribed that homilies be capped at 10 minutes, in order to force priests to prepare their messages better and not treat them as extemporaneous speeches⁶. Those of us who conduct briefings and product presentations can relate, knowing that audience attention lasts for only that long, and so we have only that much time to make our point/s.

Let’s not forget that the Mass is the only point of regular contact between the Church and most of the faithful, making the pulpit the perfect communication medium (which is not available to any other institution, mind you) to impart social values. Man, what a waste of a uniquely precious medium. Perhaps this explains the contradictory perceptions of us being the most corrupt major Southeast Asian economy and “the only predominantly Catholic country in Asia” (so can we please, please stop calling ourselves that from now on, sheesh.)

Similarly, each one in the private sector also needs to determine how one can contribute to the anti-corruption drive.

Two organizations that have been at the forefront of this effort for more than a quarter of a century now — the Institute of Corporate Directors since 1999 for the private sector and the Institute for Solidarity in Asia since 2001 for the public sector — have soldiered on, notwithstanding potentially discouraging cases in which participants in their programs slid back to “the old ways” after they succumbed to pressure from bureaucratic culture.

GENERATIONS IN THE MAKING
Think about it: a quarter of a century of such well-crafted, well-executed governance programs, and yet the results have been less than desired.

What has been missing all this time?

Perhaps the University of Asia and the Pacific (UA&P) is on to something, as this year it starts its Bachelor of Arts program in Public Governance and Leadership. Noting that some students are children of senior career government officials or belong to political dynasties, Nicomedes B. Alviar, dean of UA&P’s School of Politics and Governance, said in a recent chat: “We want to train these people to be good leaders in the future,” hence, a focus “on the practical side of governing.”

A primer he e-mailed to me said the new interdisciplinary course “addresses the growing need for ethical, effective, and visionary leadership in government, politics, and civil society” in the face of “governance crises, economic inequality, corruption, climate change, and political instability…”

It builds on the “typical” public administration course by aiming “to produce leaders, not just bureaucrats or functionaries.”

Starting with foundational courses in political science, public administration, economics, and ethics that will “lay the groundwork for understanding the political and institutional frameworks of governance, as well as the moral principles guiding leadership and decision-making in the public realm,” students will engage in “specialized subjects such as policy analysis, public finance, governance innovations, local and National Government systems, and public sector management,” with “strong emphasis… [on] research methods, data analysis, and strategic planning — core competencies for addressing complex governance challenges.”

Development of governance and leadership values “is integrated throughout the curriculum, with courses focusing on organizational leadership, negotiation, conflict resolution, and communication.”

Program requirements include a group capstone project involving a community development initiative, on top of the usual internship in a national or local government office.

Next on the program menu: a support system by which graduates making a career in politics or the bureaucracy can draw inspiration or seek advice from top proven public reformers, as well as tips from each other.

Let’s see how this program will pan out, shall we?

And so we hope to see more private sector initiatives on governance in the next few years, based on the core competencies of each organization.

Because this is clearly a protracted war that the corrupt, even now, hope will soon be forgotten, and each one of us is in it for the long haul.

¹ https://tinyurl.com/247v6h5t
² https://tinyurl.com/27w7pt4r
³ https://tinyurl.com/2ycpnret
⁴ https://tinyurl.com/272gb3m6
⁵ https://tinyurl.com/2ar5ozd2
⁶ https://tinyurl.com/26tjqu4h

Wilfredo G. Reyes was editor-in-chief of BusinessWorld from 2020 through 2023.